友善提醒：本想协助转发此文，突然发现有质疑…..
经版主在网上查对，发现有一篇质疑文章，在此供参考，如发现属实将撤销此文。
一个叫“战略纵横”的公微信号2016年9月9日发表了题为“G20：美国《纽约时报》竟这样评论中国，值得每一个中国人深思！”的文章，注明的出处是“水木然专栏”。作者声称内容取自《纽约时报》专栏作家托马斯·弗里德曼的文章“中美这七年”（A Biblical Seven Years；《中美印象》将此文译作“创世纪这七年”）。经网友通报和编辑核查，弗里德曼的文章发表于2008年8月26日，北京奥运会闭幕后两天 。“水木然专栏“刊发的文章与弗里德曼原文大相径庭，除少数句子相似外，不仅凭空添加内容，还完全曲解了原作者的意思。这家专栏的作者为吸引眼球、点击量和众所周知的政治目的，不惜篡改原文，剥夺了读者阅读优质文章的机会。在此，编者将由《中美印象》翻译的原文与微信文章进行对比，并附英文原文供读者参考。我们注意到，对国外媒体报道和时事评在编译和翻译过程中掐头去尾、添油加醋和断章取义的现象目前在一些平面和网络媒体都很普遍。
美國《紐約時報》震撼把中美對比，轟動美國白宮高層！
2008年8月26日
美國《紐約時報》著名專欄作家托馬斯·弗裡德曼（Thomas Friedman) 寫了一篇文章，題目為“中美這七年”，刊登在《紐約時報》上，震驚了美國白宮！
他寫道：「當我坐在中國場館的座位上，欣賞上數千名中國舞蹈演員、鼓手、歌手以及踩著高蹺的雜技演員魔幻般的精彩演出時，我不由得回想起過去這七年中美兩國的不同經歷 ：中國一直在忙於各種基建的工作，而我們忙著對付“基地”組織（恐怖分子）; 他們一直在建設更好的體育館、地鐵、機場、道路以及公園，而我們一直在建造更好的金屬探測器、悍馬軍車和無人駕駛偵察機……
差異已經開始顯現。你可以比較一下紐約骯髒陳舊的拉瓜地亞機場和上海造型優美的國際機場。當你驅車前往曼哈頓時，你會發現一路上的基礎設施有多麼破敗不堪。再體驗一下上海時速高達220英裡的磁懸浮列車，它應用的是電磁推進技術，而不是普通的鋼輪和軌道，眨眼工夫，你已經抵達上海市區。然後撫心自問：究竟是誰生活在第三世界國家中?
我認為：作為一個現代國家，中國接受了現代國家主權和人權的主要觀念。但中華文明的種種特質又使它與眾不同。中國發展模式的一個特點就是：學習+創新+巨大人口產生的規模效應=影響中國和世界。許多境外企業投資中國都有一個口號，要是能在中國做到第一，就能做到世界第一。
隨著中國的崛起，這個趨勢正在開始擴大到越來越多的領域，如旅游、航空、影視、體育、教育、新能源、現代化模式、高鐵等。
我們一些人比較羨慕小國寡民的生活，實際上小國有小國的困難。小國經不起風浪，而大國遇到風浪，迴旋餘地大得多。
智利是相對比較發達的發展中國家，但2010年一場大地震，GDP就跌掉一大塊，整個經濟可能兩年內都喘不過氣，而中國即使遇到汶川大地震這麼大的天災，整個國家經濟紋絲不動。
對於絕大多數國家來說，產業升級往往意味著產業遷移到外國，而中國在自己內部就可以進行大規模的產業梯度轉移，這就延長了中國制造業的生命周期。
文化—過去三十多年的中西文化衝撞，沒有使多數中國人喪失文化自信。中國人今天的孔子熱、老子熱、誦經熱、書畫熱、茶道熱、舊宅熱、文物熱、中醫熱、養生熱等，都體現了中國傳統文化的復興。
中國人本文化衍生出來的餐飲文化、養生文化、休閑文化也是其他文化所難以比擬的。中國任何地方的街頭餐館都能做出三四十種菜，而在美國絕大多數的餐館只有漢堡包加土豆條，能有三四個菜就不錯了。歐洲餐館的菜肴要豐富一些，但也很少超過七八個品種。
我們有些人總是擔心中國人缺少宗教情懷。其實只要稍微熟悉一點世界歷史的人就知道，人類歷史上宗教衝突導致了無數的戰爭。光是基督教各個教派之間以及基督教與伊斯蘭教之間的衝突就有上千年的歷史，造成了無數生命慘遭殺戮的人間悲劇。所以，我們的老百姓不一定要信教。
經濟—中國傳統意義上的經濟學，嚴格講不是“市場經濟學”，而是“人本經濟學”。在中國漫長的歷史上，一個政府如果不能發展經濟和改善民生，不能處理好大災大難，就會失去民心的支持，失去“天命”，最終被人民推翻。
中國今天的政黨是歷史上統一的儒家執政集團傳統的延續，而不是代表不同利益群體進行互相競爭的西方政黨。西方不少人隻認同多黨競爭產生的政權合法性，這是十分淺薄的政治觀念。
我曾遇到美國學者質疑中國政權的合法性，我問他為什麼不首先質疑一下他自己國家的合法性：你佔了別人的土地，通過殖民、移民、滅絕印第安人，才形成了今天的美國。我請他給我解釋這樣的國家合法性和正當性在哪裡?最后他只能跟我說，這是歷史。
那麼，我們是否可以用中國“選賢任能”的理念來質疑西方政權合法性的來源麼? 小布殊執政八年給美國帶來了經濟衰退，給伊拉克帶來了滅頂之災，給世界帶來了金融海嘯，就是一個例子。
中國歷史合法性的最大特點就是“選賢任能的政治傳統和“民心向背”的治國。
中國政治文化中的“全國一盤棋”、“一方有難，八方支援”等理念，其他文化無法產生。我曾和印度學者一起探討中國模式，他們說從表面看，中國是中央集權，但中國每一項改革實際上都有很強的地方特色，互相競爭又互相補充，所以中國體制要比印度的體制更有活力。
他們學習了西方，已經建立了強大的現代政府體系，但同時又擁有自己獨特的政治文化資源，兩者的結合使我們更容易克服今天困擾西方民主制度的民粹主義、短視主義、法條主義等問題。
在政治層面，西方許多人也想當然地認為隨著中國中產階層的壯大，中國也會接受西方對抗性政治模式。但他們今天也發現，今天的中國中產階層似乎比其他任何階層更珍惜中國的政治穩定。他們了解西方“民主化”已經給許多國家帶來混亂動蕩，了解自己辛辛苦苦的財富積累其實得益於中國三十多年的政治穩定。
坦率地說，中國今天所展現出來的一切，絕對不是“先進”和“落后”、“民主”和“專制”、“高人權”和“低人權”這些過分簡約甚至簡陋的概念可以概括的。」
這就是美國專欄作家托馬斯·弗裡德曼寫的“中美這七年”的文章。非常值得每一個中國人認真看看，愛國才有家！……
英文版
The United States “New York Times” shook the contrast, stir the White House top!
Thomas Friedman, a famous columnist for The New York Times, wrote an article titled “The Seven Years of China and the United States”, published in The New York Times, Thomas Friedman the White House! He wrote, “When I sit on a seat in a Chinese stadium, looking at the magical performances of thousands of Chinese dancers, drummers, singers and acrobats on stilts, I could not help but recall the different experiences of the past seven years: China has been busy with all kinds of infrastructure work, and we are busy dealing with” base ” Organization (terrorist);
They’ve been building better stadiums, subways, airports, roads and parks, and we’ve been building better metal detectors, Humvees and unmanned reconnaissance aircraft … The difference has begun to appear. You can compare the dirty old LaGuardia Airport in New York with the sleek international airport in Shanghai. When you drive to Manhattan, you will see how dilapidated the infrastructure is. Experience a 220-mile-high maglev train in Shanghai, which uses electromagnetic propulsion instead of ordinary steel wheels and rails, and in the blink of an eye you’ve arrived in downtown Shanghai.
Then ask yourself: who is living in the third world countries? I think: As a modern country, China has accepted the main concepts of the sovereignty and human rights of modern countries. But all the qualities of Chinese civilization make it different. One of the characteristics of China’s development model is that: Learning + innovation + The scale effect of large population is affecting China and the world.
Many foreign enterprises have a slogan to invest in China, if they can do first in China, they will be the first in the world.
With the rise of China, this trend is beginning to expand to more and more areas, such as tourism, aviation, film and television, sports, education, new energy, modernization model, high-speed rail and so on. Some of us admire the lives of small and small countries, and in fact the difficulties of smaller States. Small countries can’t stand the wind and waves, and big countries have great leeway.Much more.
Chile is a relatively developed developing country, but in 2010 a major earthquake, GDP fell a large chunk, the entire economy may be out of breath for two years, and China even encountered the Wenchuan earthquake such a natural disaster, the entire national economy has not budged.
For the vast majority of countries, industrial upgrading often means that industries migrate to foreign countries, and China can carry out large-scale industrial gradient transfer within itself, which prolongs the life cycle of Chinese manufacturing. Cultural—The collision of Chinese and Western cultures over the past more than 30 years has not deprived most Chinese of cultural self-confidence.
Chinese today’s Conziges, Lauziges, chanting, calligraphy and painting, tea ceremony, Jiuzhai heat, cultural relics, heat, health, and so on, all reflect the revival of Chinese traditional culture. Chinese culture derived from the food and beverage culture, health culture, leisure culture is also difficult to compare with other cultures. Street restaurants anywhere in China can make thirty or forty of vegetables, while in most restaurants in the United States there are only hamburgers and potato chips, and three or four dishes are good.
European restaurants are rich in food, but rarely more than seven or eight varieties. Some of us are always worried about the lack of religious sentiment in China. In fact, only a little familiarity with the history of the world knows that the religious conflict in human history has led to countless wars. There are thousands of years of conflict between Christian denominations and between Christianity and Islam, causing untold human tragedies that kill countless lives.
Therefore, our people do not necessarily have to be religious. Economic—The traditional economics of China, which is not strictly “market economics”, but “humanistic economics”.
In the long history of China, if a government cannot develop the economy and improve people’s livelihood and cannot deal with the catastrophe, it will lose the support of the people, lose the “destiny” and eventually be overthrown by the peoples. China’s political party today is a continuation of the tradition of a unified Confucian ruling group, rather than a competing western party on behalf of different interest groups. A lot of people in the west just agree that the power of multi-party competition is legalSex, which is a very superficial political idea. I have encountered American scholars questioning the legality of the Chinese regime, and I asked him why he did not first question the legality of his own country: you took the land of others, and by colonization, immigration, and extermination of Indians, the United States of today is formed.
I asked him to explain to me. Where is the legality and legitimacy of such a state? In the end he can only tell me that this is history. So, can we use the Chinese “talented” concept to question the source of Western regime legality?
The eight years of George W. Bush’s reign has brought about a recession in the United States, a disaster for Iraq, and a financial tsunami for the world, an example.
The most important characteristic of Chinese historical legality is “talented political tradition and” the dorsally of the populace. Other cultures cannot produce the ideas of “national chess” in Chinese political culture, “one side is difficult, and the other supports”.
I have studied the Chinese model with Indian scholars, who say that on the face of it, China is centralized, but every reform in China has a strong local character, competition and complementarity, so the Chinese system is more dynamic than India’s.
They learn the West, have established a strong modern government system, but at the same time have their own unique political and cultural resources, the combination of the two makes it easier for us to overcome today’s Western democratic system of populism, short-sighted, and so on. At the political level, many in the West also take for granted that, as the Chinese middle class grows, China will accept the western confrontational political model. But they also today find that the Chinese middle class today seems to cherish China’s political stability more than any other class.
They understand that “democratization” in the West has brought chaos and turmoil to many countries, and that its hard-earned wealth has benefited from China’s more than 30 years of political stability. Frankly speaking, all that China has shown today is definitely not “advanced” and “backward”, “democratic” and “autocratic”, “high human rights” and “low human rights”, which are too simple andThe rudimentary concept can be summed up. “This is what American columnist Thomas Friedman wrote about the seven years of China and the United States.” Very worthy of every Chinese to look seriously, patriotic only home! ……
附：
《中美印象》翻译托马斯文章
创世纪的这七年
在出席完壮观的北京奥运会闭幕式后，数百名中国鼓手的击鼓声在我胸中激荡，这令我得出两个结论：“天啊！这个国家所散发出的能量简直无与伦比！” 第二，“我们完了！赶快教你的孩子学普通话吧！”
然而，多年的经验告诉我，不要过分解读任何仅仅为期两周的事件。奥运会改变不了历史。这一切仅仅是瞬间的快照而已–一个国家在星期天把其最好的一面展示给全世界看。但是，诚如快照所示，透过奥运会所呈现出来的中国是非常强大的，而这一点正是目前处在大选季节的美国所应反思的。
无论是耗资430亿美元建造的奥运基础设施，还是中国奥运会开闭幕仪式的盛况都不仅仅是依靠发现石油似的那种偶然的好运。不，这是中国七年的国家投资、计划、集中国力、全国动员和辛勤工作的结晶。
七年……七年……哦，的确是这样。中国在2001年7月13日获得奥运会承办权–距离911事件发生仅仅2个月。
当我坐在鸟巢的座位上，欣赏闭幕式上数千名中国舞蹈演员、鼓手、歌手以及踩着高跷的杂技演员魔幻般的演出时，我不禁回想起中美在过去这七年不同的经历：中国一直在忙于奥运会的筹备工作，美国忙着对付基地组织；中国一直在建设更好的体育馆、地铁、机场、道路和公园，而美国一直在建造更好的金属探测器、装甲车和无人驾驶飞机。
差异已经开始显现，比较一下抵达纽约市肮脏陈旧的拉瓜迪机场和上海新型的国际机场。当你驱车前往曼哈顿时，你会发现一路上的基础设施有多么的破败不堪。再体验一下上海时速高达220英里的磁悬浮列车，它应用的是电磁推进技术，而不是普通的钢轮和轨道，眨眼工夫，你已经抵达上海市区。
然后自问：到底谁生活在第三世界国家？
诚然，如果驱车往北京城外走一小时，中国极为贫穷的第三世界的一面便会展现在你的面前。但新奇之处在于：就技术发展水平而言，中国的富裕地区，特别是北京、上海以及大连这些城市的现代化地区如今要比富裕的美国更加先进。高楼大厦的建筑风格更加有趣，无线网络技术更加尖端，道路和火车更加便捷美观。同时，我重申一次，中国不是靠开采石油，而是通过发掘自身的潜能来实现这一切的。
我意识到了差别所在：美国遭遇了“9.11”恐怖袭击事件，而中国没有。美国有真正意义上的敌人；而中国面对的敌人不多，并且大多是在国内。美国必须应对“9.11”事件，至少要消灭基地组织在阿富汗的基地，要投资加强国土安全。中国可以避免与外国的瓜葛。虽然我支持在伊拉克建立民主制度的尝试，但这是一场自我选择的战争，它的结果不可能与美国付出的巨大代价相匹配。
然而，洞穴理论的首要规则就是，当你身处洞穴之中时，就不要再自掘了。当你看到自2001年以来，中国以奥运会的名义建设了如此多现代化的基础设施时，你也会发现，2001年以来美国以反恐战争的名义，推迟了如此多的基础设施的建设。很显然，接下来这七年，美国需要致力于自身的国家建设中去。
美国需要尽快地结束在伊拉克和阿富汗地区的事务。当13万美国士兵驻守在伊拉克的时候，伊拉克议会的议员们却在休假，这是何等荒唐！伊拉克人还在为是否进行国家建设争论不休的时候，美国再也不能拖延自身的国家建设了。
现如今，许多人建议巴拉克·奥巴马（Barack Obama）要不择手段地与约翰·麦凯恩（John McCain）竞争总统宝座。这很有必要，但是仅仅这样做还是不够。
奥巴马能走到今天，是因为很多选民认为他可能成为美国复兴的领袖。他们知道美国目前需要自身的国家建设–不是在伊拉克、不是在阿富汗、不是在格鲁吉亚，而是在美国。奥巴马不能错失这个主题。
他不能让共和党将这次选举的主题确定为：谁足够坚强去对抗俄罗斯与本拉登。主题应该是：谁足够强大，足够专注，足够有创造力，谁能够将美国人团结起来为重建美国而努力。下任总统或许具备世界上所有的外交事务经验，但是如果我们的国力虚弱，这种经验将一无所用。
当奥巴马宣称这是“我们的”时刻，这是“我们的”时间之际，他说的要比他意识到的更加正确。到了重新致力于建设我们唯一家园的时候了，我们在美国的国家建设应该开始了。我绝不想告诉我的女儿们–我确信奥巴马也不想告诉他的女儿们–她们必须去中国看未来的世界是什么模样。（《中美印象》薇薇、yaos翻译、校对）
《纽约时报》原文
Thomas L. Friedman： A Biblical Seven Years
NYT，AUG. 26, 2008
After attending the spectacular closing ceremony at the Beijing Olympics and feeling the vibrations from hundreds of Chinese drummers pulsating in my own chest, I was tempted to conclude two things: “Holy mackerel, the energy coming out of this country is unrivaled.” And, two: “We are so cooked. Start teaching your kids Mandarin.”
However, I’ve learned over the years not to over-interpret any two-week event. Olympics don’t change history. They are mere snapshots – a country posing in its Sunday bests for all the world to see. But, as snapshots go, the one China presented through the Olympics was enormously powerful – and it’s one that Americans need to reflect upon this election season.
China did not build the magnificent $43 billion infrastructure for these games, or put on the unparalleled opening and closing ceremonies, simply by the dumb luck of discovering oil. No, it was the culmination of seven years of national investment, planning, concentrated state power, national mobilization and hard work.
Seven years … Seven years … Oh, that’s right. China was awarded these Olympic Games on July 13, 2001 – just two months before 9/11.
As I sat in my seat at the Bird’s Nest, watching thousands of Chinese dancers, drummers, singers and acrobats on stilts perform their magic at the closing ceremony, I couldn’t help but reflect on how China and America have spent the last seven years: China has been preparing for the Olympics; we’ve been preparing for Al Qaeda. They’ve been building better stadiums, subways, airports, roads and parks. And we’ve been building better metal detectors, armored Humvees and pilotless drones.
The difference is starting to show. Just compare arriving at La Guardia’s dumpy terminal in New York City and driving through the crumbling infrastructure into Manhattan with arriving at Shanghai’s sleek airport and taking the 220-mile-per-hour magnetic levitation train, which uses electromagnetic propulsion instead of steel wheels and tracks, to get to town in a blink.
Then ask yourself: Who is living in the third world country?
Yes, if you drive an hour out of Beijing, you meet the vast dirt-poor third world of China. But here’s what’s new: The rich parts of China, the modern parts of Beijing or Shanghai or Dalian, are now more state of the art than rich America. The buildings are architecturally more interesting, the wireless networks more sophisticated, the roads and trains more efficient and nicer. And, I repeat, they did not get all this by discovering oil. They got it by digging inside themselves.
I realize the differences: We were attacked on 9/11; they were not. We have real enemies; theirs are small and mostly domestic. We had to respond to 9/11 at least by eliminating the Al Qaeda base in Afghanistan and investing in tighter homeland security. They could avoid foreign entanglements. Trying to build democracy in Iraq, though, which I supported, was a war of choice and is unlikely to ever produce anything equal to its huge price tag.
But the first rule of holes is that when you’re in one, stop digging. When you see how much modern infrastructure has been built in China since 2001, under the banner of the Olympics, and you see how much infrastructure has been postponed in America since 2001, under the banner of the war on terrorism, it’s clear that the next seven years need to be devoted to nation-building in America.
We need to finish our business in Iraq and Afghanistan as quickly as possible, which is why it is a travesty that the Iraqi Parliament has gone on vacation while 130,000 U.S. troops are standing guard. We can no longer afford to postpone our nation-building while Iraqis squabble over whether to do theirs.
A lot of people are now advising Barack Obama to get dirty with John McCain. Sure, fight fire with fire. That’s necessary, but it is not sufficient.
Obama got this far because many voters projected onto him that he could be the leader of an American renewal. They know we need nation-building at home now – not in Iraq, not in Afghanistan, not in Georgia, but in America. Obama cannot lose that theme.
He cannot let Republicans make this election about who is tough enough to stand up to Russia or bin Laden. It has to be about who is strong enough, focused enough, creative enough and unifying enough to get Americans to rebuild America. The next president can have all the foreign affairs experience in the world, but it will be useless, utterly useless, if we, as a country, are weak.
Obama is more right than he knows when he proclaims that this is “our” moment, this is “our” time. But it is our time to get back to work on the only home we have, our time for nation-building in America. I never want to tell my girls – and I’m sure Obama feels the same about his – that they have to go to China to see the future.
