{"id":2495,"date":"2015-06-08T20:46:37","date_gmt":"2015-06-08T16:46:37","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.acf100.org\/?p=2495"},"modified":"2016-09-11T21:57:50","modified_gmt":"2016-09-11T17:57:50","slug":"%e7%be%8e%e5%91%a8%e5%88%8a%ef%bc%9a%e7%be%8e%e5%9b%bd%e5%ba%94%e7%bd%ae%e8%ba%ab%e5%8d%97%e6%b5%b7%e7%ba%b7%e4%ba%89%e4%b9%8b%e5%a4%96","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/acf100.org\/?p=2495","title":{"rendered":"\u7f8e\u5468\u520a DOUG BANDOW\uff1a\u7f8e\u56fd\u5e94\u7f6e\u8eab\u5357\u6d77\u7eb7\u4e89\u4e4b\u5916"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\u00a0Newsweek<\/strong><\/h1>\n

The U.S. Should Stay Out of Asia\u2019s Island Disputes<\/h1>\n
BY DOUG BANDOW<\/a> <\/span>5\/29\/15 AT 12:08 PM<\/span><\/div>\n<\/header>\n
\n
\"0522_south_china\"<\/div>\n
Chinese dredging vessels are purportedly seen in the waters around Mischief Reef in the disputed Spratly Islands in the South China Sea.<\/span> U.S. NAVY\/REUTERS<\/span><\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\u4e2d\u56fd\u6316\u6c99\u8239\u636e\u79f0\u662f\u5728\u770b\u5230\u5468\u56f4\u7684\u7f8e\u6d4e\u7901\u5728\u4e2d\u56fd\u5357\u6d77\u6d77\u57df\u5728\u6709\u4e89\u8bae\u7684\u5357\u6c99\u7fa4\u5c9b\u3002\u7f8e\u56fd\u6d77\u519b\/ REUTERS<\/div>\n
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FILED UNDER:<\/span> Opinion<\/a>, South China Sea<\/a>, U.S Navy<\/a>, U.S. Foreign Policy<\/a>, China<\/a>, United States<\/a><\/div>\n
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The Asian order is under strain as the People\u2019s Republic of China (PRC) has become an economic colossus with growing military might and diplomatic influence. The PRC is asserting territorial claims once considered impractical or worthless. Brunei, Japan, Malaysia, Philippines and Vietnam all stand opposed to these claims.<\/p>\n

Washington is not a claimant but has sparred with the PRC over the U.S. Navy\u2019s legal right to engage in intelligence gathering in Chinese waters. More important, America has a formal military alliance with Japan, which, the president declared, covers disputed territories. Washington\u2019s military relationship with Manila is looser, but Philippine officials are seeking a similar territorial guarantee.<\/p>\n

<\/div>\n

The Obama administration has escalated U.S. involvement by sending American aircraft over islands reclaimed by China and discussing joint patrols with the Japanese.<\/p>\n

Most of the islands are intrinsically worthless and provide little security value. Maritime rights are affected, but, in peacetime, the difference wouldn\u2019t matter so much. In wartime, everything would depend on the capabilities of the contending navies.<\/p>\n

The economic benefits from control are real but still relatively small compared to the economies of most of the claimants. For most of the countries, national ego is the primary issue.<\/p>\n

What should the United States do? American interests are few and of middling importance. Washington primarily seeks to uphold global norms, in this case, navigational freedom and peaceful conflict resolution.<\/p>\n

It is widely assumed that America\u2019s involvement would deter China from starting a war. However, any attempts to coerce the PRC over its perceived interests would add conflict to the U.S.-China relationship.<\/p>\n

As I point out<\/a> on National Interest online: \u201cChina likely would respond by matching American air and naval maneuvers, accelerating military outlays, and challenging U.S. interests elsewhere. Americans should reflect on how they would respond if Beijing acted like the U.S.\u201d<\/p>\n

Maintaining the overly large and expensive military presence necessary for Washington to project power sustainable over the long term. It costs far more to build carriers than to sink them. Americans are unlikely to heed a clarion call for sacrifice to ensure that the Senkakus<\/a> stay Japanese.<\/p>\n

Instead of goading China, the administration should withdraw from East Asia\u2019s territorial miasma. First, Washington should acknowledge that East Asian hegemony it not essential for America\u2019s security.<\/p>\n

Second, Washington should make clear through action, as well as rhetoric, that it takes no position regarding competing territorial claims. While the United States should assert freedom of navigation\u2014and insist that there is no valid legal justification for turning 80 percent of the South China Sea into Chinese territorial waters\u2014Beijing has not threatened that basic freedom.<\/p>\n

Third, the administration should remove contested territories from security guarantees. America\u2019s interest is in Japan\u2019s and the Philippines\u2019 independence, not their control over worthless rock piles. It is especially foolish to threaten a nuclear-armed state over territories to which the latter might be entitled.<\/p>\n

Fourth, the administration should allow events to take their natural course. China\u2019s neighbors are growing increasingly hostile to Beijing\u2019s aggressiveness. Japan is spending more and rethinking historic strictures on its military, smaller nations are arming\u2014some of which are working with Tokyo\u2014and everyone is encouraging India to play a larger regional role.<\/p>\n

Fifth, U.S. officials should more effectively make the case for negotiation. Washington should press its friends to offer creative solutions to the region\u2019s many disputes, such as setting aside or sharing island sovereignty.<\/p>\n

Finally, Washington should highlight the advantages of peace for all concerned, especially China. The future should not be risked for stakes of such limited value.<\/p>\n

What should the United States do about East Asia\u2019s territorial disputes? In most of East Asia\u2019s territorial controversies, America\u2019s interests are peripheral and Washington should play a minor role. America\u2019s most important interest today is keeping the peace.<\/p>\n

Doug Bandow<\/a> is a senior fellow at the Cato Institute<\/a>. This article first appeared <\/a>on the Cato Institute website.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\u00a0Newsweek The U.S. Should Stay Out of As … \u95b1\u8b80\u5168\u6587 →<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n

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